31 December 2009

Should Indian politician be also held accountable for what they do in their personal lives?



Do you think our Politicians must abide with a code of conduct? Or is it okay for them to guard their secrets under the garb of privacy? - a healthy discussion in the wake of alleged scandal stories in Kerala and Andhra Predesh.

Nicholas Sarkozy announces his affair with Carla Bruni. Bill Clinton Admits his liason with intern Monica Lewinsky.
Andhra Pradesh Governor N D Tiwari resigned in the wake of a raging controversy after a sting operation purportedly showed him in a compromising position with three women.
Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee leader Rajmohan Unnithan was taken into custody from a rental house after mid night with a woman and later handed them over to the police authorities.
Is it the turn of the Indian politicians who to be more transparent about their personal lives, considering the social powers and the role they have in shaping the Indian democracy? Or is it okay for them to guard their secrets under the garb of privacy?

"The alleged news story is nothing but a 'tissue of lies' and is denied" Tiwari said
"Nothing immoral was there and the issue is purely politically motivated" Unnithan said



There might have some politics behind both cases, Let's ignore that side of the story and whether it's right or wrong


Do you think they must abide with a code of conduct ?
What are your expectations ?

30 December 2009

‘Govt let us down as we are Muslim’ - Family of Mumbai businessman


“In all honesty, I feel we are being treated in this manner because we are Muslim. The Government’s intentions are not clean,”


The family of Mumbai businessman Roshan Jamal Khan, convicted by Spain’s anti-terror court earlier this month, on Tuesday alleged that the Government of India had let them down as he was a Muslim.
The family also said it would approach the Supreme Court of
Spain and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague if necessary.
Addressing a press conference, his brother Mehboob alleged that the government was treating the case with indifference as he was a Muslim. “I went to New Delhi several times to meet Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi and submitted files to their secretaries. The Ministry of External Affairs has not replied to us once. All we expect from the ministry is to request Spain to make evidence against my brother public. If they are able to produce evidence, we will shut our voices forever,” he said.
“In all honesty, I feel we are being treated in this manner because we are Muslim. The Government’s intentions are not clean,” he alleged. 

Jamal Khan was among the 14 Muslim men picked up by the Spanish authorities from a Barcelona mosque on January 19 last year in connection with a terror plot. Four of them, including another Indian, were released later and a 15th suspect was detained in the Netherlands. Jamal Khan’s family has been maintaining that he had gone to Spain on business.  
He was convicted, along with 10 Pakistanis, by the Spanish court on December 14 for belonging to a terrorist group linked to Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud. According to the prosecution, the group intended to bomb the Barcelona Metro transport system. The court acquitted them of a specific conspiracy to strike at the metro.
Jamal Khan’s lawyer has appealed against the conviction and the matter is likely to be heard in January first week. “We will take up the case in Spain’s Supreme Court if the appeal is turned down. If necessary, we will also go to the International Court of Justice. We are also in touch with Amnesty International,” said Mehboob.
Parvez Ubhare, a lawyer working with Khan’s family, said: “There is no evidence against Khan to associate him with a terrorist group. The court’s order is also contradictory since it has given a clean chit with regard to a conspiracy to bomb the Metro. It has relied solely on the statement of a protected witness who has worked for three years with the Taliban. It has also relied on an interview with an associate of Behtullah Mehsud eight months after the accused were arrested.”

Andhra : Irom Sharmila’s 10-year-fast is ignored

Isn’t it ironic and smacks of the Centre’s double standards? One person in Andhra Pradesh fasts for ten days and Centre relents. Another person fasts in Manipur for nine years and more, supported by the relay fast of thousands of other women for one year now, and what does the Centre do? NOTHING. Wah, wah, Indian democracy!! Not proud to be an Indian".
This is a message sent to some of us by a woman journalist friend in Manipur. Indeed, if you are looking at what they call "mainland" India from the distant Northeast, it must seem strange that a 10-day-fast can result in talks for a separate state for Telangana but a 10-year-fast to demand the withdrawal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) from Manipur results in nothing.
Irom Sharmila, that iconic 36-year-old Manipuri woman, has spent the best part of almost 10 years being force fed against her will. She has undertaken a fast-unto-death demanding the withdrawal of the AFSPA.
Each year, the ritual is played out. Her period of detention for attempting suicide is one year. The authorities have to release her, usuallyin early March. She leaves the Jawaharlal Nehru Hospital in Imphal where she is incarcerated and being force fed through a tube shoved down her nose.
Earlier this year, many of us were witness to the moving moment when this pale young woman emerged from the hospital and was virtually carried by hundreds of older Manipuri woman who have been on a relay hunger strike in support, to the shamiana where they sit all day and all night in solidarity. Sharmila began speaking as she gained a little strength. But she would not give up her fast. So two days later she was rearrested and once again moved to the hospital.
And while this annual arrest and rearrest ritual continues, Manipur — and particularly Imphal — is caught in a permanent spiral of violence. For many months now, since the July 23 "encounter" killing of a young man, Chongkham Sanjit in broad daylight in Imphal’s busy market area (exposed by Tehelka through a series of photographs), the capital of Manipur has not been "normal". People are demanding that the killers of this young man be prosecuted. But AFSPA gives the security forces impunity. Their powers to act cannot be questioned.
As a result, there has been a civil strike that has immobilised the city. For months children have not attended school or college. There is violence, curfew and an aggravation of the perennial shortages that this land-locked city not far from the border of Myanmar faces even in so-called normal times. The 25 lakh citizens of the state of Manipur have seen little or no development for years while the rest of India, apparently, marches ahead. So my Manipuri friends have a right to ask why some fasts in the "mainland" yield results while their protests are never heard. Or if they are, then the result is promises that are never kept. Prime minister Manmohan Singh raised some hopes in 2004 when he went to Imphal and promised that the withdrawal of AFSPA would be considered.
He set up a committee headed by Supreme Court judge BP Jeevan Reddy to look into the issue. The committee strongly recommended that the Act be withdrawn pointing out that the Act, "for whatever reason, has become a symbol of oppression, an object of hate and an instrument of discrimination and high-handedness". But nothing happened. The promise was forgotten, the recommendation ignored. The Telangana issue has triggered a series of demands for separate states. The people of Gorkhaland have begun fasts, others are threatening to do so. But in the midst of all this fasting, we would do well to pause and think why only the demands of our "mainland" matter while the "periphery" — places like Manipur — are ignored, forgotten and rendered virtually invisible.

28 December 2009

A chronicle of anti-Sikh riots - A new book on anti-Sikh riots

The book meanders through the “murder of Sikhs” “what the state was doing” and the “men behind the violence”


I ACCUSE… — The Anti-Sikh Violence of 1984: Jarnail Singh; Penguin Books India Pvt. Limited, 11 Community Centre, Panchsheel Park, New Delhi-110017. Rs. 350.

On December 14, 2008, U.S. President George Bush Jr was in Baghdad. Two shoes were hurled at him by Muntadar al-Zaidi, a journalist. Muntadar was sentenced to a year in prison. On April 7, 2009, Jarnail Singh hurled a shoe at Union Minister P. Chidambaram to express his frustration at continued inaction against anti-Sikh rioters of 1984. Jarnail Singh, a reporter, was not prosecuted but he lost his job. The book under review is Singh’s account of the incident, its ba ckground and consequences.
Bloodbaths

Democracy in India has got soaked in blood many times. Class violence apart, there have been cases of group/mob violence before 1984 and after. Assam’s Nellie massacre in 1983 was worse than the 1984 anti-Sikh violence. Post-Babri Masjid demolition, there was group violence in Mumbai in 1992, about which we have a report by the Srikrishna Commission of Inquiry. Then, in 2002, came the Gujarat pogrom, the cases related to which are still under investigation. Six years on, Orissa was the scene of murderous attacks on members of the Christian community. In all these incidents, mobs were successful in committing unspeakable atrocities on hapless victims. Worse, most culprits are roaming free, with impunity.

The anti-Sikh violence of 1984, which resulted in the death of around 2,500 people, has many chroniclers, and Jarnail Singh is the latest. Among the chroniclers, some are of the sectarian ‘Khalistan Zindabad’ variety and some are of the non-sectarian, democratic, human rights type.

Punjab was not just the land of economic plenty. It also became the land of ecological nightmares, social disparity, and cultural distortion. Men from the dominant caste, say keen observers of Punjabi culture, are given to boasting on three counts — that they are enterprising Singhs, unlike ‘bhaiyas’; martial, not sissy; and Jats, not Dalits. Such a mindset inevitably courts collision with the ‘others’ of different hues.

And the movement for Khalistan was built around supremacist delusions born out of it. The Khalistan agitation consumed its own offsprings, although the saga has its home-grown panegyrists. Between 1981 and 1993, it claimed the lives of 11,694 people, of whom 7,139 (61 per cent) were Sikhs, says K.P.S. Gill in The Knights of Falsehood (1997).

In the non-sectarian category, Uma Chakravarti and Nandita Haksar got together to record the horrific events from a secular viewpoint. The Delhi Riots: Three Days in the Life of a Nation (1987) was the outcome of their joint venture.

The police did some good work in securing peace for Punjab but then they were guilty of unconscionable excesses too. The human rights perspective is available in the work of Ram Narayan Kumar (1953-2009). Kumar, who hailed from Andhra Pradesh, co-founded the Committee for Coordination on Disappearances in Punjab and co-authored Reduced to Ashes: The Insurgency and Human Rights in Punjab (2003), which provided a wealth of information on 600 cases of human rights violation. Taking cognisance of that information, the National Human Rights Commission initiated follow-up action and trials are on in some cases.
Twists and turns

Jarnail Singh’s book is a 165-page ‘quickie’ containing six chapters. Beginning with October 31, 1984 — the day Indira Gandhi was assassinated — it meanders through the “murder of Sikhs,” “what the state was doing,” and the “men behind the violence” before reaching the climax, the shoe-throwing episode.

Born to a migrant carpenter, the author grew up in a ‘refugee’ colony in Delhi with seven siblings. On becoming a journalist, Singh closely followed the twists and turns in the investigations/cases of Delhi anti-Sikh riots. At a Press conference when he could not take the “technical” responses to his questions anymore, he hurled a shoe at Mr. Chidambaram.

It is a matter of satisfaction for Singh that, after all, the wheels of law has turned, howsoever little or late! The foreword by Khushwant Singh is uncharacteristically dull. The publishers have rushed to publish it without an index. The book is non-sectarian and it might sell. But is it the best work in this genre?

25 December 2009

Unnithan Episode and the Moralistic Mobocracy in Kerala

A recent story from Kerala as reported by the Malayalam press and electronic media should perhaps remind us the need to uphold the Constitution of India Against Moralistic Terror

Just look at the horror stories in the media which tell us that Rajmohan Unnithan (a Congress leader) was caught for being in the company of a woman in a rented house. The local people led by DYFI and PDP activists surrounded the house and they summoned the police to stop the alleged ’anaashasyam…’. Police have reportedly booked Unnithan and the owner of the house for committing/abetting ‘anasaasyam’.
Don’t ask neither the media nor the police what is the section under which the case is booked here, though we are expected to assume that the crime as defined in the statute book is about racketeering on women by third parties with motivation for profit, is invoked. But this is routinely done by the police and an overenthusiastic moral brigade cutting across political spectrums from far right to left to ‘feminists’(?), in all cases of extra marital relationships.
‘Anaasasyam’ literally means undesirable activity, and in the common parlance, it simply means extra marital sex even with mutual consent! It is also among the most favourite items that make news for the evening dailies in every small/big town in Kerala.
Several pro CPM womens’ activists indeed did loudly protest the act of ’anaashasyam’ by a Congress leader…
(According to their logic, women in such cases can neither have the agency nor claims to rights as subjects. They are invariably seen as just the victims of ‘sthreepeedanam’, which means ‘harassment of women’ by a capitalist and sex tourism-oriented racket.
These protesters would have cared a damn for communal profiling of Muslims and dalits as terrorists.
It is no wonder, neither the Mangalore pub attack nor the cultural policing campaign by Sri Ram Sene was unequivocally condemned by the Kerala Leftists and the ’affiliated feminists’!

Stop torture and arbitrary arrests of peace activists and human rights defenders in Chhattisgarh - Amnesty


"Immediately stop the torture and arbitrary arrest of peace activists and human rights defenders belonging to the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA) and drop all politically motivated charges against VCA member Kopa Kunjam. We believes that they are targeted because of they exposed human rights violations by the security forces." - Amnesty International



Press Release by
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL
 PUBLIC STATEMENT
 AI index: ASA 20/023/2009
 23 December 2009
India: Chhattisgarh authorities must stop torture and arbitrary arrests of peace activists and human rights defenders
Amnesty International urges authorities in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh to immediately stop the torture and arbitrary arrest of peace activists and human rights defenders belonging to the Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (VCA) and drop all politically motivated charges against VCA member Kopa Kunjam, who was arrested on 10 December. The government must investigate reports of torture immediately, and bring those responsible to justice.
The VCA, a group professing the Gandhian ideology of non-violence, has been campaigning for the last four years against human rights abuses of Adivasi communities in the ongoing armed conflict in Chhattisgarh. The VCA also works for the return and resettlement of some 10,000 Adivasis who have been internally displaced by the conflict between the security forces and the Salwa Judum, a militia widely believed to be supported by the state government, and the armed opposition group the Communist Party of India (Maoist).
On 10 December, the Chhattisgarh state police arbitrarily arrested Kopa Kunjam and Alban Toppo, a lawyer working with the New Delhi-based Human Rights Law Network (NRLN) at Dantewada. They were taken first to the Dantewada police station and then to the Bhairamgarh police station in the neighbouring Bijapur district.
Alban Toppo reported that the police tortured him and Kopa Kunjam that night at the Bhairamgarh police station. They were beaten with thick bamboo sticks and rubber canes for 30 minutes. Toppo was forced to sign a letter stating that they had come to Bhairamgarh police station of their own accord. As a result of the torture, Toppo sustained injuries on his right elbow, biceps and back, causing severe pain and swelling. He could not move his hands and back because of the pain. Kopa Kunjam sustained serious injuries on his chest, back and leg, which left him unable to walk.
Although Toppo was released that night, he remained at the police station, as he had no means of returning home. Accompanied by police personnel, he was able to return the next morning. On 12 December, Kopa Kunjam appeared before a local court where he was charged,under Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code, with the murder of Punem Honga, a local leader and member of the Salwa Judum, who had been abducted by the Maoists on 2 June 2009.
Amnesty International believes that Kopa Kunjam is being targeted because he exposed human rights violations by the security forces, including the extrajudicial executions of 15 Adivasis at Singaram on 8 January and three Adivasis in front of the Matwada police station on 18 June 2009.
Amnesty International has received further reports that the Chhattisgarh police disrupted a peace march organized by the VCA on 14 December at Dantewada. On that day, the Kanker police prevented a group of 30 activists from proceeding to Dantewada and forced them to return to the state capital, Raipur, citing security problems. The VCA is now planning to hold the peace march on 25 December.
The arbitrary detention of the VCA activists clearly violates India’s Supreme Court guidelines issued in the D. K. Basu vs State of West Bengal case and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a state party. Article 9 of the ICCPR guarantees the right to liberty, which includes freedom from arbitrary detention.
Amnesty International calls upon the Government of Chhattisgarh to:
  • drop all politically-motivated charges against Kopa Kunjam;
  • ensure a prompt, impartial, independent and effective investigation into the allegations of torture and ill-treatment of Kopa Kunjam and Alban Toppo. Those suspected of involvement including persons with command responsibility should be prosecuted, in proceedings which meet international standards of fairness. Also, the two victims must be awarded full reparation.
  • take all necessary measures to guarantee that human rights defenders are able to carry out their legitimate human rights activities without fear of torture and harassment.
Public Document
For more information please call Amnesty International’s press office in London, UK, on +44
 20 7413 5566 or email: press@amnesty.org
 International Secretariat, Amnesty International, 1 Easton St., London -WC1X 0DW, UK
 www.amnesty.org

India: "Paid News" Undermines the Media - Press Release by the Editors Guild


News organisations have to clearly distinguish between news and advertisements with full and proper disclosure norms. The recent pernicious practice of publishing "paid news" by some newspapers and television channels, especially during elections is deeply shocking!

PRESS RELEASE
23.12.2009
Editors Guild of India
email: editorsguildofindia@gmail.com

The Editors Guild of India is deeply shocked and seriously concerned at the increasing number of reports detailing the pernicious practice of publishing "paid news" by some newspapers and television channels, especially during recent elections. The Guild, at its Annual General Meeting held on December 22, 2009 has strongly condemned this practice which whittles the foundations of Indian journalism and calls upon all editors in the country to desist from publishing any form of advertisement which masquerade as news.
The Guild noted that it had always stood for publication of news which is in public interest; news which has been gathered due to the professional efforts of journalists; and news which is not influenced by malice, bias, favouritism or monetary influence. The Guild recognises that news media in print and electronic form, has a genuine right to publish and broadcast advertisements on all issues, subject to the voluntary Advertising Standards Council code and the News Broadcasting Standards Code.
It is imperative that news organisations have to clearly distinguish between news and advertisements with full and proper disclosure norms, so that no reader and viewer is tricked by any subterfuge of advertisements published and broadcast in the same format, language and style of news. It is disturbing that this "paid news" practice is also being used by companies, organisations and individuals, apart from political parties.
The Guild further deplores the practice of "private treaties" where news organisations accept free equity in unlisted companies in lieu of promoting these companies through news columns and television news programmes. The news organisations should disclose their commercial and equity interests in such companies to the readers and viewers in a transparent manner.
The Guild decries the unsavoury and unacceptable practice of some political parties and candidates offering payment for "news packages" to news media and its representatives to publish and telecast eulogising and misleading news reports on the political parties. Both the media organisations and editors who indulge in it, and the customers who offer payment for such "paid news" are guilty of undermining the free and fair press, for which every citizen of India is entitled to. Such irresponsible acts by a few media organisations and journalists is discrediting the entire media of the country, which has a glorious tradition of safeguarding democratic rights and exposing all kinds of injustices and inequities. Editors and journalists have been at the vanguard of the movement for creation of a just society, both during the days of colonial rule and Independent India. The ugly phenomenon of "paid news" will be a blot on the country’s democratic fabric.
The Guild calls upon publishers, editors and journalists of media organisations to unitedly fight this creeping menace of commercialisation and bartering of self respect of the media. During the coming months, the Guild will join hands with other media organisations to sensitize the media and civil society, including political parties and the Election Commission, on the need to eliminate this unacceptable practice.
The Guild will be shortly unveiling an initiative to encourage transparency regarding "paid news" and "private treaties." We appeal to all stakeholders to join us in pushing for a clean, transparent media.
Mr. Rajdeep Sardesai, President of the Guild announced the formation of an Ethics Committee headed by Mr. T N Ninan, Editor in Chief, Business Standard. The members are Mr. B G Varghese, Editor & columnist; Mr. Sumit Chakravarty, Editor, Mainstream and Ms. Madhu Kishwar, Editor, Manushi.
Rajdeep Sardesai (President)
K S Sachidananda Murthy (Secretary General)
Rohit Bansal (Treasurer)

24 December 2009

Indian Democracy Under Threat If Unquestioned Powers To the Armed Forces Not Curbed


Institutionalising injustice Making forces habitual to a culture of brutality and impunity


The Shopian rapes and murders case is a grim pointer to a very bleak reality - that the process of institutionalising not just human rights abuse but also denial of justice is fully complete. This is amply demonstrated by the consistent effort by one investigating agency after the other to muddle up truth and fabricate evidence to hush up the case in an obvious bid to shield the guilty. The Shopian case becomes significant for the fact that it is not simply about denial of justice to the two victims and obfuscating truth. It is illustrative of how legal instruments and agencies of the State are misused in pursuit of institutionalising injustice. Had it not been for the very persistent and peaceful struggle of the people of Shopian, this process may never have become so evidentally clear. The series of investigations have pointed to an obvious bid to hush up the case rather than revealing the truth. The real picture has been obfuscated totally with too many distorted stories and rumours right from the very beginning. The latest CBI chargesheet which is also unable to explain why the police has not recorded any evidence in the first place or made attempts to fudge evidence, or given a detailed account of how and why the doctors in the first and second post mortems could have floated and circulated so many different post mortem reports, has only made wild assumptions which can be easily challenged. In the light of such distortions and contradictory stories freely flowing around, it maybe difficult at the moment to establish rape with concrete evidence. But there is enough evidence to suggest that the two women did not drown or did not die a natural death. But the clear negation of the same suggests that there is an obvious bid to shield the obvious - men in uniform.
In fact the Shopian investigations reveal the systematic patterns of denial of justice in the manner of fudging evidence and post mortem reports. Looking back, there are a series of cases of human rights abuse at the hands of security men that are littered with stories of fabricated evidence or of post mortem reports that were either fudged or never made public. Everything points out to a policy at the Centre to give unlimited and unaccountable powers to the men in uniform. Whether this is being done by design or sheer miscalculation, the fact remains that the centre is in no mood to rein in the powers of the security forces and the police which too has been involved in counter insurgency operation for the last one and a half decades. This clearly indicates how the agencies of the State are getting an upper hand on issues pertaining to Jammu and Kashmir. This has ominously dangerous portents. Not only would such a policy ensure a perpetuation of violence in Jammu and Kashmir, eclipsing all chances of dialogue, peace, justice and normalcy in this state. In a bid to ensure that the security forces are not demoralised or embarrassed in any way, the government has clearly tread on the path of ensuring that security forces are encouraged to carry on with repressive acts and brutality as also curbing the civil liberties and democratic rights of the citizen. This also does not augur well for any democratic country and the sustenance and stability of democracy. A sizeable chunk of the armed forces and other central para-military forces are operating in Jammu and Kashmir. Making such a major chunk of the forces habitual to a culture of brutality, impunity and unaccountable powers that cannot even be questioned by the Executive carries the perils of such a culture spilling out to other parts of the country. The areas of naxal-related violence, where stories from Kashmir, have started echoing may just be the tip of the ice-berg. These can spread out easily and quickly elsewhere also, threatening the very democratic fabric of the country, whose fragility is imminent if the forces continue to operate with unbridled and unreined freedom or unquestioned powers.

22 December 2009

60 min video recording of the hindu right demolition squad in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992


Newstrack’s December 1992 edition gave a minute-by-minute account of what happened in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992. And yet, M.S. Liberhan took 17 years to come up with what he came up with.

Saw this, Liberhan?
by Madhu Trehan
Hindustan Times, December 20, 2009

It should have taken 60 minutes — 30 minutes to watch the footage from Newstrack, the old video magazine, and 30 minutes to write the report. Newstrack’s December 1992 edition gave a minute-by-minute account of what happened in Ayodhya on December 6, 1992. And yet, M.S. Liberhan took 17 years to come up with what he came up with.

Mritinjoy Jha along with his team were in Ayodhya from November 23, 1992. Thousands of pumped-up, slogan-shouting people were pouring in, carrying pick-axes and other equipment. Manoj Raghuvanshi, with another Newstrack team, had pulled the story together. In his voice-over, Raghuvanshi spoke about “a chief minister who spoke from both sides of his mouth — promising the Supreme Court that no construction would take place on the disputed site — and a prime minister who trusted everybody, including his central forces sent ostensibly to defend the masjid”.

The recordings captured Hindu leaders, including Tyagi Maharaj and Acharya Dharmendra, exhorting the crowd that the masjid must be destroyed and a temple built. Uma Bharti in her speech made three crucial points by demanding answers from the crowd: “Will you restrain yourselves when the leaders ask you to? Will you maintain peace and observe rules? Will you obey your leaders?’” The crowd bellowed a yes. But did the BJP really believe that it could control the kar sevaks, the RSS volunteers, the Bajrang Dal and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad after its own passion-rousing rath yatra?

Rehearsals of demolition teams practising with ropes, pick-axes and boulders were recorded by Newstrack. The images included Bajrang Dal leader Ramesh Pratap in khaki shorts ‘directing’ with a whistle.

Each time they pulled down a ‘practice boulder’, there were cheers. Bajrang Dal president Vinay Katiyar stated on camera, “I have never formulated any strategy keeping the Supreme Court in mind.” At the Marg Darshak Mandal meeting on December 5, 1992, VHP president Ashok Singhal responded to Newstrack’s query on whether he would obey the Supreme Court order to maintain the status quo: “Nonsense! We have nothing to do with courts. We are unaffected by the court order.”

The disputed area was cordoned off and only sadhus and journalists were allowed in. Around 11.00 am on December 6, BJP leaders Murli Manohar Joshi, L.K. Advani and the VHP’s Ashok Singhal were seen walking into the area. Ayodhya District Magistrate R.N. Srivastava smugly told the Newstrack team: “We have made full arrangements,” adding excitedly, “There is a lot of enthusiasm in the public.” Any fear of anything happening? “No fear,” Srivastava replied. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) D.B. Rai maintained that “peace and calm will prevail”. Srivastava, along with other senior bureaucrats, then settled down on a terrace to observe the demolition. Tea was served as they watched the proceedings.

As the mob started to demolish the cordoned-off area of the Babri Masjid, there was a clear divide between the general crowd and the hardcore kar sevaks. After being given a cue, the kar sevaks started assaulting journalists, breaking cameras and most journalists made a run for it. Newstrack’s sound recordist Ashok Bhanot hid tapes under a charpai in a nearby house. Another team carried on shooting.

The hardcore kar sevaks wearing yellow head-bands then started weeding out the general crowd (wearing orange head-bands) and only those trained and part of the demolition plan entered the area of the masjid. Singhal was seen shoving people himself. There was confusion among the faithful about why they were being thrown out. Those who resisted were beaten up. There was a specific plan with assigned roles for the demolition. Any ‘freelance’ help was not welcome.

“Watch this. The single-most crucial development that led to the destruction of the disputed structure — at this point there was no direct threat to the shrine and certainly no threat to the police — for some unknown reason: these troops suddenly lined up and filed out of the shrine area,” says Raghuvanshi in the voice-over of the footage. “Was this direct collusion? Were they ordered to leave and if so, by whom? There was no tear gas. No rubber bullets. No lathi charge. No firing. There was no attempt whatsoever to even try to defend the shrine.”

As sadhus blew conch-shells and kar sevaks scaled the barricades to the masjid with pick-axes, ropes and shovels, a small contingent of police stood just below the bureaucrats’ terrace. A police rebellion was caught on camera. As the demolition began, a frantic-looking SSP D.B. Rai ordered his troops to stop the demolition. The police force shuffled nervously, refusing to move even as Rai shouted at them. The bureaucrats kept sipping on their tea. Cameraman Bharat Raj realised then that the action to capture was not confined to the destruction of the masjid, but also the inaction around it.

The Censor Board banned the Newstrack tape. We appealed to the Appellate Tribunal in Bombay. Justice B. Lentin passed an order that stated, “Not only should this tape be allowed, it should be compulsory viewing for every citizen of India.” Doordarshan showed nothing.

We had 36 tapes of 20 minutes each, which totalled 12 hours. I was furious with Raghuvanshi for wasting so much tape on a 30-minute story. M.S. Liberhan asked Newstrack to hand over the tapes. I refused to hand over 12 hours of original tape and we gave him the edited story.

In the 17 years that Liberhan took to write his report, the BJP was in power for six years and the Congress for ten. One can presume that all the 48 extensions were given to Liberhan by both these parties, since the Congress and the BJP were in power for 16 out of the 17 years. It doesn’t take a genius to figure out that the tabling of the report did not suit either party.

Here’s the simple conclusion: both parties were responsible for the destruction of the Babri Masjid.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has ordered an inquiry into the leaking of the Liberhan report. This is the wrong inquiry to order. Journalists were simply doing their job to get the contents of the Liberhan report to the public. There should be an inquiry into who gave Liberhan 48 extensions and took Indian citizens for a Rs 8 crore ride.

Madhu Trehan produced and anchored Newstrack, a video magazine, from 1988 to 1995.

Gujarat: The forgotten riots of surat


Inquiry commission for the 1992 riots that broke out in Surat in the wake of the Babri Masjid demolition was terminated in 1997 because it sought several extensions. And while a human rights group challenged the decision in court, this attempt failed to revive the commission.

by Parimal Dabhi
The Indian Express, Dec 17, 2009

Ahmedabad/ Surat : While Justice Liberhan may have submitted his report 17 years late, an inquiry commission for the 1992 riots that broke out in Surat in the wake of the Babri Masjid demolition was terminated in 1997 because it sought several extensions. And while a human rights group challenged the decision in court, this attempt failed to revive the commission.

Though the official death toll in the Surat riots stands at 152, many went missing, and property worth crores was damaged, no one has been held accountable. Lawyer-turned-BJP MLA Atmaram Parmar who defended the accused in the riots admits that there has not even been one conviction in cases of arson, rape and murder that are comparable to the 2002 riots in the state.

Incidentally, Shankersinh Vaghela, who as the chief minister in 1997 ordered the termination of the state inquiry commission, is the lone Congress leader to be indicted by the Liberhan Commission for his role in inciting the post-Babri Masjid demolition riots.

The ill-fated inquiry commission was ordered by Chimanbhai Patel’s Congress government two months after the Surat riots. It was initially headed by Justice (retd) I C Bhatt, but when he was appointed as the Lokayukta in 1995-96, Justice P M Chauhan replaced him.

Incidentally, it was on the issue of the Ayodhya rath yatra that Chimanbhai Patel’s support shifted from the BJP to Congress. Patel, heading the Janata Dal-Gujarat, became the chief minister with the BJP’s support in 1990 but the coalition fell apart on the issue of support to L K Advani’s rath yatra which began from Somnath in Gujarat. By 1992, Chimanbhai Patel emerged as a Congress chief minister after merging the Janata Dal-Gujarat with the party.

Further political ironies were to play out. Vaghela was the state BJP president when the riots broke out in 1992-93, but he went on to engineer a split in the party and toppled the Suresh Mehta-led BJP government in 1995. He then formed the government with the support of the Congress in October 1996. It was in 1997 that he ordered the termination of the inquiry commission, just when the final report was being dictated.

“I am strongly against giving extensions to the inquiry commissions as they become an instrument of getting various allowances only. And so, I ordered the termination of the Chauhan Commission when it did not meet the deadline,” says Vaghela.

While Vaghela’s decision to terminate the commission was challenged in the Gujarat High Court by a human rights group, Jan Sangharsh Manch (JSM), the division bench of the HC dismissed the petition saying that the state government has the power to terminate the inquiry commission. Mukul Sinha of JSM said that the HC decision was challenged in the Supreme Court but it “did not entertain the petition at the relevant time.”

The outcome is that the findings of the commission report may never be known. Justice Chauhan refuses to comment on it and the survivors — especially women and children who were raped and lost their entire families — are reluctant to recall the trauma they went through.

The only candid admission comes surprisingly from BJP MLA, Atmaram Parmar, who defended those accused in the riots’ cases “To the best of my knowledge not a single person had been convicted in any case of 1992 riots.”

21 December 2009

Ram and Rahim as Good Neighbors


The people of Ayodhya have to be taken on board along with the liberal leadership of the communities. Today the most amicable solution has to veer around respecting Ram and Allah both. Both temple and mosque can be accommodated in the area, with equal importance and respect.

by Ram Puniyani

The leak and tabling of Liberhan Commission report has created a big turmoil in the country. While most of the sides have been shouting hoarse about their own position on the issue, not much has been talked about the future solution of this vexed problem.
We recall that the mosque built by Mir Baqui around five centuries ago has been deliberately dragged into the controversy. At the time of Independence it was a mosque, no political party had claimed anything to the contrary. As per the understanding in the constitution, the status of 1947 was to be maintained in cases of places of worship. The installation of Ram lalla idols by deceit in midnight of 22nd Jan 1949 sowed the seeds of controversy. Later in 1975 the dispute between two local groups was taken up by Vishwa Hindu Parishad and in 1989, BJP decided to make a political issue out of it. The tragic demolition and the making of makeshift Ram temple there have added new dimensions to the issue.

It is around this issue that Hindu and Muslim communalists raised the emotional pitch and the tragedies which followed, the demolition, the post demolition communal violence and communalization, polarization of society along religious lines are too well known by now. The court case regarding the same is dragging from last several years without any outcome so far.

Where do we go from here? Do we let this sore to continue on the body politic of the nation? This may act as the trouble spot for the future. It is time that we look at all the aspects of the issue and try to bring a peaceful solution to the issue.

The first step in the issue is to realize that it the communal forces from both communities which have claimed that they represent the community and so they will decide on behalf of Hindus or Muslims respectively. The fact of the matter and, this has been confirmed by Liberhan Commission report, is that these communal groups neither represent the community nor reflect the opinion the communities as a whole. It is imperative that we look forward to the liberal sections, leadership from these communities to come forward and talk in the language of reconciliation. The liberal sections are those who have so far been ignored, but they are the one’s who have talked of peace and accommodation. The election results have also shown that those claiming to represent the aspirations of a particular community have been routed in popular elections. The elected representatives of the area have a major role to play in bringing the consensus. We cannot undo the past but we can definitely chart a peaceful path for future. The peaceful talks between these sections along with the local people of Ayodhya are the central core for solution.

The people of Ayodhya have also been the victims of the demolition and other offshoots of the dispute. What they think should be done at the site has to be taken seriously. They have to be taken on board along with the liberal leadership of the communities. Today the most amicable solution has to veer around respecting Ram and Allah both. Both temple and mosque can be accommodated in the area, with equal importance and respect.

Along with temple and mosque in the same spot we need to bring up a museum dedicated to the great tradition of Ayodhya. Ayodhya has not only been popular for Lord Ram, but it had also been a place for Buddhists and also people of other faith as well. It has been a sort of ‘No War zone’ (A- no, Yudhya-War, Ayodhya- A no war zone), and that spirit has to be cultivated all around. The emotive and divisive appeals need to be rejected by the nation as a whole. In that light the museum-memorial has to be the one of syncretic traditions, of saints who were followed by Muslims and Hindus both, of Sufis who again were respected by Hindus and Muslims both. While the history has been made to degenerate into hoarse shouting, a cool reasoned archeological based understanding should help us to go further. The negotiations between the communities have to be encouraged to the last.

The second line of action has to relate to the court verdict. The court verdict should be final for all of us. The formulation that faith will decide the birth place of the Lord has no place in a society governed by law and reason. The community leaders must give undertaking to respect the court verdict and act accordingly. Those not having faith in the courts cant be the part of the process of reconciliation as reconciliation has to be done in the framework of Indian Constitution. We have invested too much in this issue and it is time that not only this but even other such issues are not given any importance to ensure that the country, nation, can focus on the issues related to bread, butter shelter, employment and health.

Justice is so delayed and the organisers of anti Sikh Pogrom still not in dock



Report of the Liberhan Commission, which has taken 17 years to prepare, the organized killing of Sikhs happened 25 years ago and nothing more than apologies has been offered.

The Telegraph, December 16 , 2009

The repetition of the promise that action will be taken against those who are accused of killing the Sikhs in 1984 is becoming as tedious as a tale told many times over. The latest in the series of promises comes from none other than the Union home minister, P. Chidambaram, who assured the Rajya Sabha that action against the 1984 riot accused would be speeded up. The home minister advised the lieutenant governor of Delhi, Tejinder Khanna, to sanction prosecution by the Central Bureau of Investigation in four riot cases before the end of 2009. Mr Chidambaram announced to the Upper House that the CBI’s investigations were complete in seven cases against the Congress’s three politicians, Dharam Das Shastri, Jagdish Tytler and Sajjan Kumar. (Shastri, it needs to be pointed out, is dead.) Messrs Tytler and Kumar are still active in politics, even though they were denied tickets in the Delhi assembly polls earlier this year. This kind of reassurance, even when it comes from the Union home minister, does precious little to assuage the grievances of the Sikhs. If anything, it aggravates the grievances since it bypasses certain crucial questions.

There is no satisfactory answer, for example, to the question why it has taken so long to arrive at a decision on the cases that go back to 1984. The other uncomfortable question relates to the presence of Mr Tytler and Mr Kumar in Congress politics. There is something to be said against the failure to suspend them or expel them from the Congress party. It would not be unfair to conclude that the only time Mr Chidambaram wakes up to take cognizance of Sikh grievances regarding the 1984 killings is when a Sikh hurls a shoe at him or when Sikh members of parliament raise the issue. It would be simplistic to only blame Mr Chidambaram about this state of affairs where justice is so delayed that it appears as if it has been deferred. There is something systemic in the delays that occur to unearth evidence and then to prosecute on incidents that are matters of national shame. One recent example is the report of the Liberhan Commission, which has taken 17 years to prepare. The pogrom against the Sikhs — the word, pogrom, is used advisedly since the epithet, riot, is an euphemism for what was a one-sided and organized killing — happened 25 years ago and nothing more than apologies has been offered.

India: Republic of Silence - A relevant Article in the light of Liberhan Report



...but it is an impressive republic of silence as far as the question of arranging the reconstruction of the mosque is concerned, talk of building a Ram temple on the site is sought to be kept alive instead!


Cutting Corners - Ashok Mitra

Hokum must have its kingdom. The judicial report on the culpability for the crime perpetrated on December 6, 1992, was first leaked and then laid on the floor of Parliament. The predictable sequel was an uproarious parliamentary debate. Countrymen are however not any more enlightened than they already were.
That horrid outrage was committed over 17 years ago, in broad daylight, with the world’s media looking on. Thousands watched the proceedings on the television screen; they even had the opportunity to watch the gleeful post-demolition celebrations and the faces of the celebrants. All that the judge’s report does is to state the obvious. The government is delighted; it has responded to the judicial blah-blah by an ‘action taken’ report, equally blah-blah, the purport being to make it plain that no action whatever is contemplated.
The parliamentary debate has been marked by the same bogus quality. Each party went through the motion of parading its anger, sorrow, indignation or self-righteousness for the sake of record, nothing beyond. It was hypocrisy reflecting a kind of mutual agreement among the different parties of the you-do-not-embarrass-us-too-much-and-we-too-will-behave genre. The nation is taken for a ride, since politicians are confident that the nation will accept the charade with philosophical equanimity: these are turbulent times, enough new problems are cropping up every day, little purpose is served by raking up the embers of that hideous episode, let bygones be bygones.
A similar consensus has presumably been reached on a related matter too. Whether P.V. Narasimha Rao, the then prime minister, was ‘daydreaming’ — as the judge’s report suggests — or actually taking an indolent Sunday afternoon nap while the Babri mosque was being demolished is no longer terribly important. To what extent he was responsible for what happened is now little more than academic speculation. What is, however, very much relevant is the commitment he made at twilight of that infamous day in a telecast address to the nation. It was a commitment by the nation’s prime minister on behalf of the Government of India. After disposing of the preliminaries concerning the events of the day, he had then announced his government’s resolve to ensure that the destroyed mosque was soon rebuilt on the same site.
It was a categorical announcement, with no ambiguity about it. At least, it was assumed there was no ambiguity about it: a grievously wrong thing had taken place, the government was sorry it could not prevent its occurrence. It had, however, resolved to set right the wrong that had been done and decided to arrange the reconstruction of the mosque on its original foundation. Those who listened to the prime minister took it for granted that the restoration of the mosque at its original site would happen as early as possible, perhaps in the course of the next couple of years, certainly not at the fag end of a century or a millennium.
The pledge the prime minister of the day made has not been implemented till now. But it has not been repudiated by any succeeding regime either. The executive authority within the framework of a parliamentary democracy is supposed to be a continuum; unless a particular commitment made by a previous government has been formally rescinded or amended by a succeeding one, it remains an official commitment. Quite a few changes in the political complexion of the regime in New Delhi have, of course, taken place since December, 1992. The Congress was not in power between 1996 and 2004. A rainbow coalition was in charge for a while during this period, and was followed by a regime led by the Bharatiya Janata Party. For the past five years and a half, though, the Congress has been back in government. It has dispatched P.V. Narasimha Rao to posthumous oblivion, but no record exists to show that the pledge he made on behalf of the Congress government was ever publicly disavowed by the party.
Some bigots might have thought otherwise, the prime minister’s statement was, however, accorded a quiet but firm welcome at the time. Sections of the BJP leadership were struck by awe realizing the implications of the dastardly act perpetrated by their acolytes. None of them openly protested against the government decision to have the mosque re-built, nor was any dissonance voiced from any other quarters. It has nonetheless been an astounding display of forgetfulness. Debate still continues over the assignment of responsibility for the outrage. The investigating judge’s damp squib of a report has given a new lease of life to that debate. But it is an impressive republic of silence as far as the question of arranging the reconstruction of the mosque is concerned, talk of building a Ram temple on the site is sought to be kept alive instead.
Excitement is caused every now and then over the supposed breach of this or that parliamentary privilege. If a minister makes a promise on the floor of the House and fails to carry it out, it is taken to be a breach of the privileges of Parliament. That apart, any outsider who in any manner dishonours or disparages Parliament is considered to be guilty of breach of privilege and is liable to be charged with contempt of the House. Should not there be scope for a similar breach of privilege where the government makes a commitment to the nation and does nothing about it subsequently?
We, however, exist in a realm of fakery. Politics has been reduced to an artefact of simulated amnesia. Politicians and political parties can get away by pretending that they have managed to forget the pledge P.V. Narasimha Rao as prime minister had made to the nation. Or that pledge, it will perhaps be suggested, was made by a flustered prime minister of a cornered government in a state of half confusion and half contrition. He could not possibly have meant it, or even if he had meant it at that particular moment, second thoughts made him realize the necessity of discretion, for any initiative to implement that commitment might have enormously combustible consequences. It might generate social tension of the same magnitude as the demolition of the mosque had given rise to. Politicians and political parties of practically all hues have evidently gone along with this judgement. Many amongst them would even feign surprise that such a pledge was ever made.
Honouring the commitment the government undertook on that dismal evening more than 17 years ago is evidently not ‘politically feasible’. The BJP would be scandalized if the proposal to rebuild the mosque were to be revived; the party is still — even if only nominally — determined to build a Ram mandir on that site. The Indian National Congress would scamper away with fright if reminded of the promise made by its own prime minister; there is, after all, a substantial overlap between its constituency and that of the BJP. Even politicians of other species, who take pride in flaunting their secular credentials, have chosen to remain silent on the issue. They will not actively campaign for the restoration of the mosque because they hate the idea of igniting a fresh controversy. They will grant the moral case for rebuilding the Babri mosque where it once was. Even then, they will prefer to let the sleeping dog lie. In the recent parliamentary debate, not one member cared to suggest that the foremost imperative action for the government to take is to help restore the mosque on its original foundation.
India, its Constitution asserts, is a socialist republic. Nobody loses sleep over that huge joke. The Constitution also claims India to be a secular republic. It is however a soft variety of secularism, the republic is secular to the extent ‘practical’ politics permits it to be so. Not merely that those who claim to defend the Constitution lack the courage of their conviction, the conviction itself, have no illusion, is greatly wobbly.

20 December 2009

Goa Bomber linked to three hindutva organisations


Besides Sanatan Sanstha, Goa Bombers also liked with two other Hinduva organisations Dharma Prachar Sabha and Hindu Dharma Prathisthan

Times of India
Goa blast: Malgonda Patil linked to two more Hindu organizations
Source: PTI 17 December 2009, 12:32pm IST

PANAJI: Goa home ministry has said that Malgonda Patil, prime accused in the Margao blast, was also a managing trustee of two more Hindu organizations besides his association with Sanatan Sanstha.
The names of these two Hindu organisations --Dharma Prachar Sabha and Hindu Dharma Prathisthan -- had surfaced publicly for the first time since October 16, when a blast triggered panic in the commercial town of Margao in South Goa.

The record furnished on the floor of the House during the ongoing state Legislative Assembly session has confirmed Patil's links to these two institutions.
Patil (28), a native of Sangli in Maharashtra, till date was known only for his links with Sanatan Sanstha, a right-wing Hindu organisation operating from Ramnathi village of Goa.

Patil died when the bomb he had planned to plant triggered prematurely.

Yogesh Patil (29), a Goan native, also died in the blast, which occurred on Diwali eve and was a part of larger conspiracy to trigger serial explosions in the state.

Home minister Ravi Naik in a statement in the floor of the House said that gelatin sticks, detonators and timer circuits were used to set off the explosion.

He said that immediately after the blast, chief minister Digamber Kamat, alongwith Fatorda constituency Legislator Damodar Naik, visited the spot.

bharat ptrika

A lie does not become truth by reason of multiplied propagation, nor does truth become lie because nobody sees it... Constant development is the law of life, and a man who always tries to maintain his dogmas in order to appear consistent drives himself into a false position... First they ignore you, then they laugh at you,then they fight you, then only you win.  
-Mahatma Gandhi


It is easier to travel downstream with the flow and even a Corpse can do! but, to swim against... to be Alive and Active!
Here is few hungering salmons, swimming along the mid sea of world wide web.
FISH, NOT SATISFIED WITH THE STATUS QUO; with being fed half-truths from the sarroundings. Fish, wanting to go back to the truth, trying to ferret the niche of truth from the depth and to spread...
It is simpler and more energy efficient to let the strength of the flow of water propel you than for you to expend the necessary energy and determination to swim against the flow.
The salmon run every year and We are fascinated by the determination and energy expended by these fish to swim to their goal,the spawning areas. Along the way they encounter many hazards and barriers: bear, birds of prey and other carnivores waiting to devour them,dams and other obstacles blocking their way, or even an over-abundance (or lack) of water-flow along the way that threatens to keep them from their goal.
Who the SALMON ?
When the whole world says: " it is... " they Do Not forget/lazy/fear to ask "Why it is...?"
When every one accept, thoughtlessly... No! they do not often reject. but, deliberately approach the probabilities!
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Often, like a juggler, they might not be on the stage. but, work always behind... silently!
Are you that kind of fish - swimming against the stream?
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19 December 2009

An Independent Review of Democracy and Governance in Karnataka

On the 18th December 2009, Justice Santosh Hegde released the summary report on Democracy and Governance in Karnataka (period June 2008-November 2009) at the Press Club.

Full pdf documentt at:
http://www.dakshindia.org/
Daksh 2009 Review of the Karnataka Govt (English Version - pdf )

 

14 December 2009

A New Dress for the Hindu Right -- Will the RSS drop the Khakhi Shorts?


The RSS, which trained the killer of Mahatma Gandhi, spokesman told The Times that it hoped to devise a new uniform by March.

“It is universally accepted that there can be nothing more boring and unattractive than their present attire ... What designers will have to pay attention to is how to make it trendy, smart and ‘cool’.”

Hindu nationalists drop their baggy shorts
by Jeremy Page in Delhi

For more than eight decades, members of India’s largest Hindu nationalist organisation have identified themselves with a distinctive military-style uniform consisting of long baggy shorts, a white shirt and a black cloth cap.

Followers of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh can still be seen wearing the uniform, modelled on that of British colonial police, as they perform ritual early morning exercises in public parks and squares across India.

Now, 84 years after its foundation, the RSS has finally given in to the demands of modern India and decided to renounce its uniform. Ravi Bansal, a RSS spokesman, told The Times that it hoped to devise a new uniform by March.

The move is the latest attempt by India’s beleaguered Hindu nationalists to overhaul their image after a year in which its main political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party, was trounced in a general election. Analysts say that the movement — which campaigns to rid India of the legacies of foreign invasions and establish a pure Hindu state — is struggling to appeal to young people, especially the urban middle classes.

So, as well as deciding to change its uniform, the RSS has also introduced evening meetings as an alternative to its traditional morning exercises to cater for busy middle-class professionals.

It has organised special forums for supporters in the technology hubs of Bangalore and Hyderabad. It is also allowing married couples to take a more prominent role in the organisation, although its leadership still consists entirely of celibate males, known as pracharaks.

Some RSS veterans say that the uniform change is a step too far and betrays the legacy of K. B. Hedgewar, who founded the movement in 1925 and introduced the uniform a year later to encourage discipline.

Critics are happy to see the end of a uniform that they say was inspired partly by the European fascist movements of the 1920s. The RSS, which trained the killer of Mahatma Gandhi, has been banned three times for inciting violence and is still often accused of fomenting ethnic and religious hatred.

The question now is whether the movement can agree on a design for the eight million members it claims.

Sadanand Menon, a popular columnist, said: “It is universally accepted that there can be nothing more boring and unattractive than their present attire ... What designers will have to pay attention to is how to make it trendy, smart and ‘cool’.”

12 December 2009

Hidden facets to the Babri Masjid episode also implicate others


There are hidden facets to the sorry episode of the Babri Masjid that also implicate others

SINNERS IN DISGUISE
by Jyotirmaya Sharma
Mail Today, 10 December 2009


THE LIBERHAN Report can be excused for its longwinded vacuity as also the time it took to see the light of day. But the more hilarious aspect of the aftermath of the tabling of the report is the manner in which politicians of various persuasions have reacted to it. All of them have come up with their own version of the truth. In Indian politics, truth never prevails, but all that prevails is true.

In a mature democracy, it would have been the norm for the BJP to accept that they participated in a criminal act that vitiated public life and divided people.

Equally so, the Congress ought to have apologised to the country for P. V. Narasimha Rao’s inept handling of the entire situation.

Mulayam Singh ought to have kept silent in Parliament, if only because he was, until recently, extolling the virtues of a certain Kalyan Singh. The Left too ought to have toned down its self- righteous bluster, especially after their cosy understanding with the BJP recently in trying to bring down the UPA government over the issue of the nuclear deal. “ In the congregation of the righteous”, said a poet, “ the sinners are well- disguised: do not seek to count them”.

Opportunity

For the BJP and certain of its leaders, the Liberhan report seems like a godgiven opportunity to revive its ever- dwindling fortunes. Just as their conception of Hindutva is stuck in an imaginary past, so are their political calculations. They hope to revive the irrational mobilisation of the rath yatra and karseva movements, if only to rectify their rockbottom status in the arena of Uttar Pradesh politics.

Even if their hope of a revival on the lines of the Ayodhya movement clashes with pictures of Narendra Modi in denims, they would love to live under the fatal illusion that they have the moral and intellectual wherewithal to merge and resolve all such contradictions.

The spectacle of Rajnath Singh thundering about the existence of a Ram Temple in the past and the assurance of a temple in the future weeks before he is to be given the marching orders by the RSS in favour of a man whose sole claim to fame is building flyovers is all too delicious for the ordinary spectator. After all, flyovers for the BJP are the new temples of their conception of modern India.

In all this, the RSS presents a picture that is a strange mixture of bravado, innocence and lack of contrition. They have been consistent in stating that they have no regrets about the demolition of the Babri Mosque.

But they are equally consistent in saying that a spontaneous surge of karsevaks resulted in the felling of what has been known as the disputed structure. This theory of spontaneity and popular sentiment has served the RSS and the Sangh Parivar well over the years in their systematic attempts at subverting democracy, the rule of law and the Indian Constitution.

One just has to remember the rhetoric at all levels within the Sangh Parivar in justifying the post- Godhra riots and the systematic killing of Muslims to know that this is a familiar tool in their kit of medieval barbarity. The only consolation that the Sangh Parivar has is that even the Congress borrowed the same set of rhetorical devices in order to justify the massacre of innocent Sikhs in 1984 and continues to condone similar acts by not acting on the findings of the Srikrishna Report concerning the 1992- 93 riots in Bombay.

Is there, then, a difference between the Sangh Parivar and the Congress? The difference is a small, but significant one. The Congress condones similar acts of violence for political expediency and does so with cynical impunity. The Sangh Parivar indulges in acts of organised violence in the name of God, Hinduism, cultural pride and with the express purpose of destroying a plurality of the ideas of India.

In keeping the mandirmasjid issue alive, the RSS also has a different agenda. It hopes to alienate Muslims to an extent by which it becomes untenable for them to exist as first- class citizens in India, and, thereby, foist its limited, shortsighted and dangerous idea of a Hindu nation.

Logic

A few examples would suffice. The former RSS sarsanghchalak , K. P Sudarshan, wrote a pamphlet published in 2000 called ‘ Sangh ki saphalta ka rahasya’ ( The Secret of the Sangh’s Success). He writes that when Indira Gandhi visited Afghanistan and wanted to lay a wreath at the tombstone of Babur, the Afghans had to clean the place overnight. The tombstone was in a state of acute disrepair. Sudarshan cites an official in the Prime Minister’s party asking the caretaker of the cemetery about Babur’s tomb and its sorry state.

The caretaker is supposed to have replied that they did not care because Babur was no Afghan.

Sudarshan goes on to say that it is unfortunate that many Indian Muslims still connect themselves to Babur. He goes on to explain how the structure that was demolished was on purpose designated as Babri Mosque, and they created futile anger in the country upon its demolition.

Sudarshan’s amnesia makes him forget that if his story of the Afghan caretaker of the cemetery is a desirable one, then the Sangh ought not to have screamed and shouted as much as it did when the Bamiyan Buddhas were blown away by dynamite sticks. After all, the Buddha was no Afghan either! But Sudarshan’s perverse creativity in rewriting history reaches hitherto unscaled heights when he dismisses the historical veracity of a structure that is a few hundred years old, but argues that the existence of a Ram Temple at the very spot was historically true and incontrovertible.

Irony

But there is one other gem in Sudarshan’s pamphlet.

He quotes a fax sent to Narasimha Rao on 10 December 1992 by a senior leader from Maharashtra.

Sudarshan says that this leader advised Rao not to ban the RSS in the aftermath of the demolition of the Babri mosque because Balasaheb Deoras was a friend of the Congress government.

Deoras wanted the government to survive for five years and was not in favour of frequently bringing governments down.

This unnamed Maharashtra leader warns Rao that if the Sangh was banned, a section of the Sangh sympathetic to Rao’s government would turn hostile.

Despite this advice, the Sangh was banned. It would do us all a lot of good if Sudarshan could release the copy of that fax to the Indian people now and expose this senior Maharashtra leader.

But nothing of this sort is likely to happen. The irony is that all those associated with this act of mob violence and vandalism will go scot- free. In the case of L. K. Advani, like the proverbial cat with nine lives, he will probably see a revival in his political fortunes and his political ambitions. In the meantime, the RSS will go on with its business of sullying Indian public life in a manner only it can and has perfected over the years. History, perhaps, will forgive those karsevaks , but it will scarcely condone the likes of Advani for being complicit in the RSS’s agenda of the diminution of what India is all about.

The writer teaches politics in University of Hyderabad

No religious structures on public land, rules Supreme Court.


“The court is going to be very strict on this ban, even if it gives rise to a law and order problem. We are making it abundantly clear that any fresh construction is banned ” - SC

by Krishnadas Rajagopal
Indian Express  Posted: Tuesday, Dec 08, 2009 at 0326 hrs New Delhi:

Stating that state government cannot let “personal faith” eat up public space for fear of provoking religious sentiments, the Supreme Court ruled on Monday that no new constructions of “temples, mosques, churches and gurdwaras will be allowed on public parks, public streets and public spaces.”

“The court is going to be very strict on this ban, even if it gives rise to a law and order problem. We are making it abundantly clear that any fresh construction is banned,” ruled the Bench led by Justices Dalveer Bhandari and A K Patnaik.

“Non-compliance with the order, whatever be the problem within a state, you (state government concerned) will be in great difficulty,” the Bench cautioned a battery of standing counsel representing various state governments.

The Bench also passed a sweeping order that no courts in the country will entertain any complaints against the apex court’s ban, thus closing all avenues for protests by religious groups or private individuals. “Regarding the gravity of the matter, we direct that no order which is inconsistent with our order of ban be passed,” the court ruled.

“Chief Secretaries must ensure total compliance of our orders, any breach will be viewed seriously by this court,” warned the Bench. The fate of the existing unauthorised structures will be decided on a “case to case basis” by the state governments.

Today’s order follows an earlier ruling passed on September 29, when the apex court had banned construction of unauthorised religious places of worships on public land. The Bench passed the order after finding that the states had hardly taken any action to implement the ban.

The Bench has asked Chief Secretaries to either file affidavits within six weeks swearing that the ban has been implemented in every district of their state, or be present in court with an explanation.

11 December 2009

Rights Activists Attacked And Refused Access Tribal Zone in Orissa


All india women fact-finding team attacked and refused entry to narayanpatna; Express concern over state’s response and cordoning off of tribals.

Press releaset

10 December 2009, Bhubaneswar
At 8.30 a.m. on 9 December 2009, eleven of us (nine women and two men including the driver) left Parvatipuram (in Andhra Pradesh) for Narayanpatna (in Koraout district of Orissa) to investigate the incident of police firing on 20 November 2009 and the atrocities on adivasi women in the villages as reported of Bhaliaput, Bikrampur, Basanput and Palaput. The collector of Koraput was informed on 7 December 2009 about the visit by an all-women fact-finding team to the area. As we were on our way, we were stopped by police in front of Narayanpatna Police Station. At the police station, we gave a list of names of members in the team with our addresses and mobile-phone numbers; the driver showed his license and car registration and insurance papers. Inside the compound of the thana, there were a large number of persons in civilian clothes; upon asking we were informed that these were special police forces. None of the people in uniform (we assume they were policemen) had any name tags. We asked one policeman how many police were there in this area, and he said more than 2000 police.
We also noticed that around 50 villagers (adivasis) were squatting inside the compound; again upon asking we were told by the policemen that they were members of the Chasi Mulia Adivasi Sangh and have “surrendered” to the police.
We wanted to meet the Officer-in-Charge of the thana and although he was sitting in the office we were told that he was busy, and he would only meet us in the evening.
By this time, the crowd of the so-called plain-clothed police was getting restless. We heard people commenting saying: "Ek firing kya ho raha, ab aa rahen hain. Jab hamarey gaon jal rahe the, to kahaan the?" (When our villages were being burnt, where were they? Now they show up after the firing!). Several policemen were also making very hostile remarks.
Meanwhile, a mob of more than 200 persons, who were visibly not tribals or ordinary villagers, had already gathered outside the thana gates and several policersons kept on telling us that people here might do anything to our vehicle and to us and they would not be responsible. In this situation, we told them that we would return. But, as we tried to step out of the thana, the mob surrounded us, prevented the vehicle from leaving, smashed the back window. Our driver was cordoned off and was being questioned in a very hostile manner and being threatened. The mob continued to abuse the women team members in extremely foul language and derogatory manner. At this point, one policeman in plain clothes who was taking pictures of our team members on his mobile phone said to the mob, ‘Maro inko!’ (Beat them up!). That is when the 200-plus mob surged ahead. The driver was being slapped repeatedly. Madhumita and 75-year old Kusum Karnik tried to intervene and that is when one man went for Madhumita’s throat. When she moved to save herself, her jaw was injured. Kusum was hurt too.
Rumita Kundu was verbally abused inside the police station. One man crudely said that all these women had come to sleep with the men there. Mamata Dash was hit on her back, and abused. All this happened right outside the police station premises and in the presence of a large police force! In fact, one of the police man shouted, “all the policemen come inside the police station, let the people do whatever they want to do with them.”
The driver was the one who was assaulted the most; and we did all we could to extricate him and board our vehicle. By this time, the vehicle was broken; the rear windscreen was smashed. With great difficulty, we left the area driving towards Bandhugaon. We were followed by young men on bikes. Somewhere between Bandhugaon Police Station and the village itself, we were stopped by two police men in plainclothes and they took away the driver’s license and papers. As he was enquiring, about 20 people gathered there. We somehow were able to get the driver’s papers back and proceed, some young men on motorcycle followed us and hit the driver from the window. We were completely shaken and traumatized by then.
From there, we proceeded to Kattulpetta. Even before we got to this village, news seemed to have reached them about our visit. A road blockade had already been organized, with a bullock cart blocking the road. The people there, again all non-tribals, pulled out the driver and started assaulting him. They tried to pull down another male colleague of ours, Mr Purnachandra Sahu and tried to beat him up. We intervened, and that’s when Kusum Karnik, the 75-year old activist, was hit on her head, which has left a lump there. We were there for more than 15 minutes. More violence. More damage to the vehicle. More slaps for the driver. They were threatening to burn our vehicle.
By this time, the two plainclothed "policemen" who had taken our names in Bandhugaon reached there and ordered the youth to disperse. We have later come to know that in all these villages, young men have been appointed as special police officers (SPO).
All along our way back right up to the Andhra Pradesh border it seemed evident that the police was in communication with these young men who stopped and man-handled us at all these three points.
We reached Bondapalli, the border village within Andhra Pradesh. Almost in no time, a jeep load of Andhra Pradesh police along with another jeep of heavily armed special force in civilian clothes arrived on the scene. They demanded to know who we were. We were treated more like criminals than victims, and our vehicle was searched. For the third time we gave all our names and other details to the police. Only after Madhumita spoke to the SP of Vijayanagaram district, we were allowed to go. The police version is that they were acting on confidential information from Orissa police that anti-social elements had entered Andhra.
Our experience with armed youth and police has left us clearly terrified, and has left us with many questions as to how Indian democracy is functioning. We are deeply concerned that if an All India Fact-Finding Team of Women can be treated with such intimidation, violence, and indignity in the very presence of police force, what would be the kind of atrocities committed on tribal people in Narayanpatna who have been completely cordoned off by the police. The whole area seems to be under siege. This particular incident really highlights that the State does not want an independent enquiry into the incident that occurred on 20 November 2009 and the long-standing grievances of the tribals in the area.
Our concerns
  1. The scenario of terror that we witnessed, and were subject to shows the kind of tense situation prevailing in the Narayanpatna area post 20 November 2009 police firings in Narayanpatna.
  2. There is no access for people to get in and out of the villages in Narayanpatna, with all routes blocked by police and goon to whom the police do not even try to control.
  3. There is no way to get information about what is happening inside, and no means of verifying the very disturbing accounts we are getting about abuses, molestations and violence against adivasi people.
  4. The number of plainclothesmen who claimed they were police, and the comfort with which people outside the Narayanpatna police station were interacting with the police, and reacting to one policeman’s instruction to beat us up, suggests that there may be some truth to reports that there is a Salwa Judum style Shanthi Samiti in this area as well. This may either be sponsored or working in close complicity with the police and state.
  5. If the fact-finding team of prominent women has been treated with such violence, it is clear that there is absolutely no room for dissent inside the villages.
  6. All the people who attacked us were non-tribals.
Our demands
  1. The police officer in-charge of the Narayanpatna Police Station be immediately suspended
  2. The connection between the mob attack at various points and the police be investigated
  3. The SP of Koraput should immediately be suspended who seem to be supervising the terror being unleashed on the adivasis and independent teams coming to the area
  4. Independent fact-finding teams should be allowed inside the region to investigate the situation prevailing there
  5. As a first step towards normalizing the situation, the cordoning off of the area should immediately ceased
  6. The Government should constitute a high-level independent enquiry into the police-firing incident at Narayanpatna and the long standing grievances of the tribals in the region
Sincerely,
  • Sudha Bhardwaj, Advocate, PUCL – Chhattisgarh
  • Madhumita Dutta, The Other Media, Chennai
  • Shweta Narayan, The Other Media Chennai
  • Mamata Dash, National Forum for Forest People and Forest Workers, Delhi
  • Durga, Chhattisgarh Mahila Adhikar Manch, Chhattisgarh
  • Pramila, Muktigami Mahila Sangathan, Bhubaneshwar
  • Kusum Karnik, Adivasi Ekjuta Sangathana, Pune
  • Rumita Kundu, Campaign Against Violence on Women, Orissa
  • Ramani, Progressive Organisation of Women, Paravatipuram
  • Purnachandra Sahu, All India Kisan Mazdoor Sangh, Pravatipuram